On Boxer Ali's speech-quote on war in Vietnam:
My share to Cambodia's Netherlands, Nether-Cambodia:
I write here, not to be opposed to Ali's stance against wars in Vietnam (and the Mekong Delta territories or Netherlands of Cambodia, where a dozen of million Khmer/Cambodian natives live their pitiable slavery.), I do appreciate his advocacy for human rights and freedom, but at one point of his speech, it seems he didn't know the history of native people who, now minorities on their homeland, have suffered much from the new form of colonialism imposed by the rulers there.
Ali said, "... I will not disgrace my religion, my people or myself by becoming A TOOL TO ENSLAVE those who are fighting for their OWN JUSTICE, FREEDOM AND EQUALITY (in Vietnam)...."
Had he known that millions of natives (Khmer/Cambodians, Chams, Montagnards, ...) had and have been oppressed till then and now on their ancestors' land? Indigenous people of different ethnicities live their life with their rights to religions, faiths, cultures, education ... restricted? And no real freedoms of theirs are enjoyed and their liberty is closely under scrutiny of Vietnamese authorities.
Those natives have been fighting for their own justice, freedom and equality -- civil rights amongst others -- subdued for centuries now by the new rulers nobody doesn't know.
See a documentary "Exterminating Without Bleeding" by one of the most outstanding international advocates for natives' human rights in Vietnam, Rebecca Sommer and Dr. Joshua.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jDT2rinrFNQ
https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=10153534565891857&id=24674986856
Saturday, June 4, 2016
#Scott Neeson Knows Well
Scott Neeson knows well the arts of how to brighten a sad look of a child. Thanks a great deal to the great-hearted man for helping and assisting poor kids of the kingdom when modern vehicles, Lexus 570, Range Rover, Rolls-Royce, etc. of tycoons, oknhas, those wielding power here, run elegantly along and past their poverty.
Whilst the living Humanitarian God, Swiss Doctor Beat Richner has helped and saved millions of cases of poor and ill children of Cambodia in public health through Kontha Bopha hospitals, you Scott Neeson has helped poor kids here in education .
https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=926487580804944&id=588767697910269
Whilst the living Humanitarian God, Swiss Doctor Beat Richner has helped and saved millions of cases of poor and ill children of Cambodia in public health through Kontha Bopha hospitals, you Scott Neeson has helped poor kids here in education .
https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=926487580804944&id=588767697910269
Friday, June 3, 2016
Paxman on Poets and Engagement with Ordinary People
http://www.theguardian.com/media/2014/jun/01/jeremy-paxman-poets-engage-ordinary-people-forward-prize
Mixed Lessons on Thailand's May 22 Coup
Mixed Lessons on Thailand's May 22 Military Coup
By Sao Puthpong
All the Coups d' Etat in human history, in general, have usually been waged by high-echelon people wielding power in the army. And condemnative reactions -- militarily as well as economically -- have been heard from every corner of the Earth.
A question posed: Why, thus far, have still there been -- even bloody -- putsches, some taking thousands of ordinary people's lives and plunging economic and social situations among others into chaos?
Its few easily found answers -- and also no much mental effort to understand them -- are:
On the one hand, all types of the reactions have been just so soft verbal ones with almost no practical implementation to put enough weights on the coup leaders to bear their consequent responsibility towards their own nation and people, and towards the region and the world as a whole.
For instance, what efficient reactions did the world powers on the UN Security Council and the international community as a whole do to condemn the brutal uses of the anti-democracy forces as means to come to power, driving combat tanks on the people's blood-paved carpet, such as the cases in Cambodia in July 1997 and in Pakistan in 1999?
On the other hand, the world big economies themselves take their bilateral or multilateral economic benefit as their political priorities of resolutions.
Simply, in reality these verbal reactions and slightly imposed sanctions are far from being enough.
Et voila la bonne réponse à ce jeu du pouvoir par les moyens de "Putsches", à mon avis. http://r-b-u.blogspot.com (Reading Benefits You.)
Vannarith Chheang, Soprach A. Tong, Sreang Heng, Vicheanon Khieu, Kimseng Men, Vann Chaom Mony Pol, Virak Kruy, Say Mony Say, Sophy Mey, Chan Rada, Saveth Chea, Sok Kipo, Jareun Pokeo, Nycolas Kim Heng, Chhean Bun Chhea, Chath Piersath, Theresa de Langis, Khiang Hei, Boramy Sou, Mony They, Pouk Leakhena, Bell Lune, Hang Achariya, Phalla Hang Nop, Yuri Auntie, Sotheacheath Chea, Nimol Soth, Cheryl Yin, Poy Chhunly, Chulsa Heng,
Cambodia and Thai Crisis (khmertimeskh.com)
By Chheang Vannarith
Thailand, the land of smiles, has fallen into crisis since the military coup in 2006. The political upheaval led to a weakened economy and fractured society. The 12th military coup since 1932 on May 22 led by Army chief General Prayuth Chan-ocha worsened the situation. The international community condemned the act and called for restoration of stability and full respect of democratic principles. The US government reacted by suspending the USD 3.5 million military aid to Thailand. The United Kingdom is also reviewing its military ties with Thailand.
Southeast Asian neighbours also raised their concern. Singapore’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated, “Singapore expresses grave concern over the latest developments in Thailand. We hope that all parties involved will exercise restraint and work towards a positive outcome, and avoid violence and bloodshed…Thailand is an important regional country and a key member of ASEAN. Prolonged uncertainties will set back Thailand and the region as a whole.”
As the second largest economy in Southeast Asia after Indonesia, Thailand, the hub of regional trade, investment, and tourism, plays a significant role in regional development and integration. As one of the founding fathers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) back in 1967, Thailand by all indicators is the de facto regional leader in mainland Southeast Asia. It is also an attractive destination for millions of migrant workers from Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam.
However, that international position and role began to wane as the crisis looming large. The crisis disrupts ASEAN regional community building process and delays regional physical connectivity projects. It disturbs regional peace and stability and may lead to another regional economic crisis if there are no quick realistic solutions and appropriate crisis-exit strategy.
Cambodia is greatly affected by the Thai crisis since it is closely interconnected and interdependent with Thailand. Its bilateral trade with Thailand accounted for USD 4.5 billion last year. Every year, about one million international tourists who visit Cambodia enter through Thailand. There are about 250,000 Cambodian migrant workers in Thailand. The crisis put their safety at greater risk. After the coup, Thailand unilaterally closed some border channels and restricted some Cambodian vehicles from entering Thailand.
Cambodia-Thai border disputes have not been completely solved. Due to the Thai crisis, the implementation of the judgement by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on 11 November 2013 was shelved. No significant progress has been made. The opposition group in Thailand opposed the court’s judgement. If this group comes to power after the military coup, it may stir border tensions and conflicts with Cambodia similar to that experienced from 2008 to 2011.
Cambodia’s government took measures to avoid misunderstanding between the two countries. Minister of Interior Sar Kheng requested local authorities and armed forces to “promote better cooperation and relationship with their Thai counterparts and not to conduct any movement of forces.” Prime Minister Hun Sen also clarified Cambodia’s position with regard to the Thai crisis by standing firm on the principle of non-interference and peaceful co-existence with its neighbours. On May 27, he stated, “Cambodia’s Constitution does not allow any foreigners to use its territory as a base for armed forces to attack the government of another state.”
How has the crisis evolved?
The crisis is rooted in a ferocious power struggle between the old elites (the military, the monarchy, judiciary, and Bangkok oligarchs) and the rising populist group (Thaksin’s network). Under his populist policies, telecom mogul Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai party won the elections in 2001 and 2005. His overwhelming popularity threatened the power base of the old elites. Without much surprise, he was ousted in 2006 by a military coup; later in 2008, he was charged for corruption and sentenced to two years in absentia. That sparked the beginning of the Thai crisis.
Contemporarily, there are multiple crises in Thailand: political, economic, social, and institutional. Political polarisation generated by power competition between the two groups has reached its peak. Eight years after the 2006 coup, Thaksin lives his life in self-exile but his networks in Thailand are still active. He has become the most divisive figure in Thai politics. In 2011, his younger sister Yingluck Sinawatra assumed the premiership after her Pheu Thai Party won the general election. However, the opposition accused her of working under the sway of Thaksin.
The unwise attempt by Yingluck’s government to push for the controversial amnesty bill facilitating the return of Thaksin triggered anti-government protests in November 2013. The opposition cried foul. A big wave of anti-government protests in coordination with the elites led to the collapse of the democratically elected government. The ill-fated Yingluck was forced to dissolve the parliament in December 2013. She later assumed care-taker premiership status before she was forced to resign by the Constitutional Court in May 2014 for abuse of power.
The Thai economic has faltered after months of political crisis. Recession is on the cards. Growth rate is expected to hit a low of about 2.5 percent this year. To avert economic crisis, the junta government prioritized the rice payment scheme, which has been hanging from last December, and also the fiscal policy planning for 2015. Such policy, if that is any indication, is politically motivated. It aims to lure rural farmers who are strong supporters of the Pheu Thai Party. Business confidence remains low and the investment environment highly unpredictable. It depends on how resilient these bureaucratic institutions are.
In most aspects, the Thai political society is deeply divided. Social harmony which has been built and promoted over the past centuries is now at stake. People started to define their intolerable political boundary. The political dynamics of “red shirt vs. yellow shirts” remain the core of Thai societal chasm. Singapore’s foreign minister Shanmugam observed, “There is deep polarisation and Thailand has to find a way of bridging that polarisation and find a structure for society that is workable for itself, and only the Thais can do it.”
The perceived impartiality of the constitutional court regarding its judgement on May 7 to dismiss Yingluck and her nine cabinet ministers is negative to the role and image of the Thai judiciary. It leads to the loss of public trust in this institution. The decision naturally is in favour of the old elites and the opposition group. According to a Thai prominent scholar Pavin Chachavalpongpun, it was part of “coordinated acts” against Yingluck government. Some call it a “judicial coup.”
What is the outlook?
It would be a quixotic effort to pressure the junta to quickly restore civilian administration. The military will be holding on to power for quite some time. It will try to consolidate its power and may create an unelected reform council or peoples council, as demanded by the anti-government protest leader Suthep Thaugsuban, to appoint new leaders. This is by any standard against democratic principles.
The political trend remains murky and fuzzy. Political crisis dents the economic prospects and may eventually lead to a full-scale economic crisis in the coming years if political reconciliation and accommodation are not possible by the end of this year.
To wend its way out of the crisis, Thailand must restore political stability and national unity through democratic consolidation and good governance. Majority rule with the respect of minority rights is key. It needs to regain public trust and confidence in order to shore up fast-slowing growth.
It needs to develop both formal and informal institutions and mechanisms to heal the past, reconcile the differences, and align the interests of the conflicting parties.
By Sao Puthpong
All the Coups d' Etat in human history, in general, have usually been waged by high-echelon people wielding power in the army. And condemnative reactions -- militarily as well as economically -- have been heard from every corner of the Earth.
A question posed: Why, thus far, have still there been -- even bloody -- putsches, some taking thousands of ordinary people's lives and plunging economic and social situations among others into chaos?
Its few easily found answers -- and also no much mental effort to understand them -- are:
On the one hand, all types of the reactions have been just so soft verbal ones with almost no practical implementation to put enough weights on the coup leaders to bear their consequent responsibility towards their own nation and people, and towards the region and the world as a whole.
For instance, what efficient reactions did the world powers on the UN Security Council and the international community as a whole do to condemn the brutal uses of the anti-democracy forces as means to come to power, driving combat tanks on the people's blood-paved carpet, such as the cases in Cambodia in July 1997 and in Pakistan in 1999?
On the other hand, the world big economies themselves take their bilateral or multilateral economic benefit as their political priorities of resolutions.
Simply, in reality these verbal reactions and slightly imposed sanctions are far from being enough.
Et voila la bonne réponse à ce jeu du pouvoir par les moyens de "Putsches", à mon avis. http://r-b-u.blogspot.com (Reading Benefits You.)
Vannarith Chheang, Soprach A. Tong, Sreang Heng, Vicheanon Khieu, Kimseng Men, Vann Chaom Mony Pol, Virak Kruy, Say Mony Say, Sophy Mey, Chan Rada, Saveth Chea, Sok Kipo, Jareun Pokeo, Nycolas Kim Heng, Chhean Bun Chhea, Chath Piersath, Theresa de Langis, Khiang Hei, Boramy Sou, Mony They, Pouk Leakhena, Bell Lune, Hang Achariya, Phalla Hang Nop, Yuri Auntie, Sotheacheath Chea, Nimol Soth, Cheryl Yin, Poy Chhunly, Chulsa Heng,
Cambodia and Thai Crisis (khmertimeskh.com)
By Chheang Vannarith
Thailand, the land of smiles, has fallen into crisis since the military coup in 2006. The political upheaval led to a weakened economy and fractured society. The 12th military coup since 1932 on May 22 led by Army chief General Prayuth Chan-ocha worsened the situation. The international community condemned the act and called for restoration of stability and full respect of democratic principles. The US government reacted by suspending the USD 3.5 million military aid to Thailand. The United Kingdom is also reviewing its military ties with Thailand.
Southeast Asian neighbours also raised their concern. Singapore’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated, “Singapore expresses grave concern over the latest developments in Thailand. We hope that all parties involved will exercise restraint and work towards a positive outcome, and avoid violence and bloodshed…Thailand is an important regional country and a key member of ASEAN. Prolonged uncertainties will set back Thailand and the region as a whole.”
As the second largest economy in Southeast Asia after Indonesia, Thailand, the hub of regional trade, investment, and tourism, plays a significant role in regional development and integration. As one of the founding fathers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) back in 1967, Thailand by all indicators is the de facto regional leader in mainland Southeast Asia. It is also an attractive destination for millions of migrant workers from Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam.
However, that international position and role began to wane as the crisis looming large. The crisis disrupts ASEAN regional community building process and delays regional physical connectivity projects. It disturbs regional peace and stability and may lead to another regional economic crisis if there are no quick realistic solutions and appropriate crisis-exit strategy.
Cambodia is greatly affected by the Thai crisis since it is closely interconnected and interdependent with Thailand. Its bilateral trade with Thailand accounted for USD 4.5 billion last year. Every year, about one million international tourists who visit Cambodia enter through Thailand. There are about 250,000 Cambodian migrant workers in Thailand. The crisis put their safety at greater risk. After the coup, Thailand unilaterally closed some border channels and restricted some Cambodian vehicles from entering Thailand.
Cambodia-Thai border disputes have not been completely solved. Due to the Thai crisis, the implementation of the judgement by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on 11 November 2013 was shelved. No significant progress has been made. The opposition group in Thailand opposed the court’s judgement. If this group comes to power after the military coup, it may stir border tensions and conflicts with Cambodia similar to that experienced from 2008 to 2011.
Cambodia’s government took measures to avoid misunderstanding between the two countries. Minister of Interior Sar Kheng requested local authorities and armed forces to “promote better cooperation and relationship with their Thai counterparts and not to conduct any movement of forces.” Prime Minister Hun Sen also clarified Cambodia’s position with regard to the Thai crisis by standing firm on the principle of non-interference and peaceful co-existence with its neighbours. On May 27, he stated, “Cambodia’s Constitution does not allow any foreigners to use its territory as a base for armed forces to attack the government of another state.”
How has the crisis evolved?
The crisis is rooted in a ferocious power struggle between the old elites (the military, the monarchy, judiciary, and Bangkok oligarchs) and the rising populist group (Thaksin’s network). Under his populist policies, telecom mogul Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai party won the elections in 2001 and 2005. His overwhelming popularity threatened the power base of the old elites. Without much surprise, he was ousted in 2006 by a military coup; later in 2008, he was charged for corruption and sentenced to two years in absentia. That sparked the beginning of the Thai crisis.
Contemporarily, there are multiple crises in Thailand: political, economic, social, and institutional. Political polarisation generated by power competition between the two groups has reached its peak. Eight years after the 2006 coup, Thaksin lives his life in self-exile but his networks in Thailand are still active. He has become the most divisive figure in Thai politics. In 2011, his younger sister Yingluck Sinawatra assumed the premiership after her Pheu Thai Party won the general election. However, the opposition accused her of working under the sway of Thaksin.
The unwise attempt by Yingluck’s government to push for the controversial amnesty bill facilitating the return of Thaksin triggered anti-government protests in November 2013. The opposition cried foul. A big wave of anti-government protests in coordination with the elites led to the collapse of the democratically elected government. The ill-fated Yingluck was forced to dissolve the parliament in December 2013. She later assumed care-taker premiership status before she was forced to resign by the Constitutional Court in May 2014 for abuse of power.
The Thai economic has faltered after months of political crisis. Recession is on the cards. Growth rate is expected to hit a low of about 2.5 percent this year. To avert economic crisis, the junta government prioritized the rice payment scheme, which has been hanging from last December, and also the fiscal policy planning for 2015. Such policy, if that is any indication, is politically motivated. It aims to lure rural farmers who are strong supporters of the Pheu Thai Party. Business confidence remains low and the investment environment highly unpredictable. It depends on how resilient these bureaucratic institutions are.
In most aspects, the Thai political society is deeply divided. Social harmony which has been built and promoted over the past centuries is now at stake. People started to define their intolerable political boundary. The political dynamics of “red shirt vs. yellow shirts” remain the core of Thai societal chasm. Singapore’s foreign minister Shanmugam observed, “There is deep polarisation and Thailand has to find a way of bridging that polarisation and find a structure for society that is workable for itself, and only the Thais can do it.”
The perceived impartiality of the constitutional court regarding its judgement on May 7 to dismiss Yingluck and her nine cabinet ministers is negative to the role and image of the Thai judiciary. It leads to the loss of public trust in this institution. The decision naturally is in favour of the old elites and the opposition group. According to a Thai prominent scholar Pavin Chachavalpongpun, it was part of “coordinated acts” against Yingluck government. Some call it a “judicial coup.”
What is the outlook?
It would be a quixotic effort to pressure the junta to quickly restore civilian administration. The military will be holding on to power for quite some time. It will try to consolidate its power and may create an unelected reform council or peoples council, as demanded by the anti-government protest leader Suthep Thaugsuban, to appoint new leaders. This is by any standard against democratic principles.
The political trend remains murky and fuzzy. Political crisis dents the economic prospects and may eventually lead to a full-scale economic crisis in the coming years if political reconciliation and accommodation are not possible by the end of this year.
To wend its way out of the crisis, Thailand must restore political stability and national unity through democratic consolidation and good governance. Majority rule with the respect of minority rights is key. It needs to regain public trust and confidence in order to shore up fast-slowing growth.
It needs to develop both formal and informal institutions and mechanisms to heal the past, reconcile the differences, and align the interests of the conflicting parties.
Thursday, June 2, 2016
A meeting of KIPO
A meeting of the leadership of The Khmer in Progress Organization (KIPO) with partners (sales management) on the new strategic plans and other related topics.
Participants: Kim Sok (Pres), Me (Executive Director), Production Manager, and Sales Management.
Start Time: 2 pm
Closing Time: 3:45 pm
Start Time: 2 pm
Closing Time: 3:45 pm
Wednesday, June 1, 2016
សម្រង់ពីវគ្គមួយក្នុងរឿងខ្លី ឆត្រក្រហម
... យុវជនម្នាក់ដើរប្រកិតតាមបាំងឆត្រឲ្យយុវតីម្នាក់ ចុះជណ្ដើរពីវត្តភ្នំ។ ព្រះអាទិត្យពេលដើមព្រឹកជះរស្មីស្រទន់បញ្ជ្រៀតពីក្រោមឆត្រក្រហមសាចលើវង់់ភក្ត្រ ជួននឹងខ្យល់ត្រសៀកត្រជាក់រលាក់រលាស់កេសាយុវតី ឃើញប្រិមប្រិយស្រស់ខ្ចីថ្លាដូចស្រទាប់ផ្កាឈូកក្រហមក្រពុំទើបចាប់ផ្ដើមរីក។
យុវតី៖ បងបន់ព្រះថាម៉េច?
យុវជន៖ បើទោះជាព្រះក្នុងដួងចិត្តបងប្រទានពរឲ្យបងជ្រើសរើសអូន. ..
យុវតី៖ ក៏អូនមិនជ្រើសរើសបងដែរ?
យុវជន៖ មិនមែនទេ។ បងចង់ថា ...
យុវតីបានលូកមាត់កាត់៖ ហេតុអ្វី រឿងខ្លួនឯងសោះចាំបាច់រំខានព្រះ?
យុវជន៖ នែ៎! ...
យុវតី៖ បន់ព្រះឲ្យជួយ? បងដឹងទេ ព្រះជួយតែរឿងរវាងព្រះនិងមនុស្ស ឯរឿងរវាងមនុស្សនិងមនុស្ស ព្រះទុកឲ្យមនុស្សជួយខ្លួនឯង។
Comments
Sophy Mey:
សួស្តី លោក Puthpong Sao ! .... ខ្ញុំមិនបដិសេដ្ឋគំនិតលោកទេ .... ខ្ញុំគ្រាន់តែយល់ថា : ឆ័ត្រ ជាពាក្យ ខ្មែរ ដូច្នេះ (ឆ + ត + ្រ) អានថា : (ឆត ) .....មកពីអំណានខ្មែរគឺ : ក ខ គ ឃ ង .....-ល-..... ទាល់តែដាក់ ័ ផង ទើបអាចអានថា : ឆាត់ (ឆ័ត្រ) ។ ..... លើកលែងតែ ពាក្យបាលី ឬ សំស្ក្រិត ដូចជា (ចៈ + កៈ + ្រៈ ) ទើបអានថា: ចាក់ (ចក្រ) មកពីអំណានដើម គឺ កៈ ខៈ គៈ ឃៈ ងៈ ..... -ល- ..... នេះគ្រាន់តែជាយោបល់ខ្ញុំទេ .... គួរពុំគួរ សូមអធ្យាស្រ័យ !
Puthpong Sao :
លោក Mey Sophy Mey, ខ្ញុំក៏ធ្លាប់តែសរសេរ ឆ័ត្រ ដែរ ប៉ុន្តែមានបញ្ញត្តិថ្មីថា ពាក្យណាដែលសរសេរមានតួព្យញ្ជនៈប្រកបនៅបន្ទាប់មានត្រួតជើងនោះគេមិនប្រើ ័ ទេ។ ម្យ៉ាងទៀត បើ ឆ័ត្រ ឬ ឆត្រ ជាពាក្យខ្មែរសុទ្ធ ឮបែបនេះមុខតែសរសេរ ឆាត់ មិនមែនសរសេរជា ឆ័ត្រ ឬ ឆត្រ ឡើយ។ មានឧទាហរណ៍ ចក្រ អានថា ចាក់/ច័ក ក្សត្រ អានថា ក្សាត់/ក្ស័ត ...
Sophy Mey:
បាទ៎ ! ..... សមហេតុសមផលដែរ : ពាក្យ ចក្រ និង ក្សត្រ ជាពាក្យ សំ. ខ្ញុំមិនពិភ័លទេ ! ...... ចំណែកពាក្យខ្មែរ ព្រ័ត្រ និង ព្រត្រ .... ឆ័ត្រ និង ឆត្រ ក៏ខ្ញុំមិនប្រកែកដែរ ! ..... ប៉ុន្តែចម្លែកណាស់ ចំពោះអ្នកណា ដែលមិនទាន់មានទម្លាប់សរសេរតាមនេះ ..... (ដោយក្តីរីករាយ) ....
Puthpong Sao:
លោក Mey Sophy Mey ពិតមែនហើយ ដូច្នេះហើយបានជាពេលមានបញ្ញត្តិនេះ ក៏មានការផ្ទុញផ្ឋ្ទាល់ថា ចុះពាក្យ ប្រពន្ធ និង ប្រព័ន្ធ វាមិនទៅជាច្រឡំគ្នាទៅហើយទេឬ? គេបកស្រាយថាអ្វីៗ។មានការលើកលែង។ តាមពិតបញ្ញត្តិនេះមិនថ្មីទេ។ កាលមុនឆ្នាំ១៩៧៥ មានការអនុញ្ញាតឲ្យសរសេរ ដូចជា ឧបស័គ្គ ឧបសគ្គ ស័ក្ដិសម សក្ដិសម មិត្តភ័ក្ដិ មិត្តភក្ដិ . ..
Sophy Mey:
អរគុណលោក Puthpong Sao ! ..... ខ្ញុំជម្រាបហើយថា : ពាក្យខ្មែរដែលក្លាយមកពី បាលីនិងសំស្ក្រិត មិនបាច់ប្រើ ័ ក៏បានដែរ .... ពីព្រោះ យើងអាន " ក ខ គ ឃ ង " ថា : " កៈ ខៈ គៈ ឃៈ ងៈ " (លើកលែងពាក្យខ្លះ ដូចជា ជ័យ និង ជយ .... ចល័ត និង ចលត បើមិនដាក់ ័ អ្នកអាន អានមិនត្រូវទេ !)
Puthpong Sao:
តាមក្បួនពាក្យខ្មែរ បើជាពាក្យខ្មែរសុទ្ធ តែកាលណាឮអានសំឡេងខ្លីសង្កត់ គេត្រូវសរសេរនឹង ់ (មានបន្តក់) ជា ពិភាល់ ប៉ុន្តែពាក្យនេះខ្ចីពីភាសាបាលី ដូច្នេះសរសេរជា ពិភ័ល ក៏មិនខុសដែរ អាស្រ័យឫសដើមនៃពាក្យ។ គេអនុញ្ញាតឲ្យសរសេរទាំងពីរបែប។
Steven Pak:
Puthpong Sao & Sophy Mey, លោកទាំងពីរពិតជាអស្ចារ្យមែន។ មានអំណះអំណាងដើមី្បការពារខ្លួនបានប្រសើរណាស់។ សូមសរសើរៗ
Vann Chaom Mony Pol:
អត្ថបទនេះមានន័យថា «រឿងរវាងមនុស្សនិងមនុស្ស
ព្រះទុកឲ្យមនុស្សជួយខ្លួនឯង»។ សង្ស័យតែមិនពិតជាដូច្នេះរហូតទេ
ដូចដែលបទនេះ លោកស៊ិន ស៊ីសាមុត ធ្លាប់ច្រៀងថា
«គូខ្ញុំបើព្រាត់គឺព្រាត់ដោយកម្ម មិនមែនចិត្តនាំអោយខ្ញុំឃ្លៀងឃ្លាត..»។
ប៉ុន្តែទោះយ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ អ្នកខ្លះគេថាភាគច្រើនចម្រៀងគ្រាន់តែ
ជាការស្រមើស្រមៃប៉ុណ្ណោះ គ្មានវិទ្យាសាស្ត្រ។
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gKeMF49ox50
Puthpong Sao:
កម្មគឺជាទង្វើ។ ក្នុងទស្សនវិជ្ជាអត្ថិភាពនិយម មនុស្សជាអ្នកសម្រេចវាសនាខ្លួនដោយខ្លួនឯង ដូចការប្រៀនប្រដៅរបស់ព្រះពុទ្ធ។ ចម្រៀង កំណាព្យ ប្រលោមលោក ... ជាផ្នែកនៃអក្សរសិល្ប៍ ដែលមាននិន្នាការទស្សនៈ តាមម្ចាស់ស្នាដៃនីមួយៗ។
Vann Chaom Mony Pol:
បង Puthpong Sao, ខ្ញុំមិនពូកែខាងទស្សនវិជ្ជាទេ
ប៉ុន្តែខ្ញុំជឿថា ជំនឿលើអត្ថិភាពនិយមនេះ ស្រដៀងនឹងអ្នកប្រាជ្ញ
លោកខាងលិចថា Existentialism ដែលគេតិះទៀតទស្សវិជ្ជា
សម័យបុរាណថា «អរូប៉ី» ខ្លាំងពេក យកទៅអនុវត្តមិនបាន។
ប៉ុន្តែខ្ញុំយល់ថា អ្វីៗទាំងឡាយ វាផ្សំដោយ «ធាតុ ហើយនិងចិត្ត»។
អត្ថិភាពនូវធាតុតែមួយមុខ ក៏ធ្វើអោយទៅជាស្រវឹងជន់ជោរ
ប្រើវិធីចិត្តតែមួយមុខ ក៏មិនចេះតែសំរេចនូវវាសនា បានដូច
បំណងដែលប៉ងលើសលុប។
Wikipedea "Many existentialists have also regarded traditional systematic or academic philosophies, in both style and content, as too abstract and remote from concrete human experience"
Puthpong Sao:
លោក Pol Vann Chaom Mony, ត្រឹមត្រូវហើយ ទស្សនវិជ្ជាអត្ថិភាពនិយម ជាភាសាអង់គ្លេស existentialism នេះហើយ។ គតិវិទូអាឡឺម៉ង់ Kierkegard ត្រូវគេចាត់ទុកថាជាបិតានៃទស្សនវិជ្ជានេះ។ លទ្ធិនេះផ្ដោតជំនឿលើភាពជាក់នៃគំនិតភ្ជាប់នឹងទង្វើនៃស្មារតីទទួលខុសត្រូវ។ អរគុណ។
យុវតី៖ បងបន់ព្រះថាម៉េច?
យុវជន៖ បើទោះជាព្រះក្នុងដួងចិត្តបងប្រទានពរឲ្យបងជ្រើសរើសអូន. ..
យុវតី៖ ក៏អូនមិនជ្រើសរើសបងដែរ?
យុវជន៖ មិនមែនទេ។ បងចង់ថា ...
យុវតីបានលូកមាត់កាត់៖ ហេតុអ្វី រឿងខ្លួនឯងសោះចាំបាច់រំខានព្រះ?
យុវជន៖ នែ៎! ...
យុវតី៖ បន់ព្រះឲ្យជួយ? បងដឹងទេ ព្រះជួយតែរឿងរវាងព្រះនិងមនុស្ស ឯរឿងរវាងមនុស្សនិងមនុស្ស ព្រះទុកឲ្យមនុស្សជួយខ្លួនឯង។
Comments
Sophy Mey:
សួស្តី លោក Puthpong Sao ! .... ខ្ញុំមិនបដិសេដ្ឋគំនិតលោកទេ .... ខ្ញុំគ្រាន់តែយល់ថា : ឆ័ត្រ ជាពាក្យ ខ្មែរ ដូច្នេះ (ឆ + ត + ្រ) អានថា : (ឆត ) .....មកពីអំណានខ្មែរគឺ : ក ខ គ ឃ ង .....-ល-..... ទាល់តែដាក់ ័ ផង ទើបអាចអានថា : ឆាត់ (ឆ័ត្រ) ។ ..... លើកលែងតែ ពាក្យបាលី ឬ សំស្ក្រិត ដូចជា (ចៈ + កៈ + ្រៈ ) ទើបអានថា: ចាក់ (ចក្រ) មកពីអំណានដើម គឺ កៈ ខៈ គៈ ឃៈ ងៈ ..... -ល- ..... នេះគ្រាន់តែជាយោបល់ខ្ញុំទេ .... គួរពុំគួរ សូមអធ្យាស្រ័យ !
Puthpong Sao :
លោក Mey Sophy Mey, ខ្ញុំក៏ធ្លាប់តែសរសេរ ឆ័ត្រ ដែរ ប៉ុន្តែមានបញ្ញត្តិថ្មីថា ពាក្យណាដែលសរសេរមានតួព្យញ្ជនៈប្រកបនៅបន្ទាប់មានត្រួតជើងនោះគេមិនប្រើ ័ ទេ។ ម្យ៉ាងទៀត បើ ឆ័ត្រ ឬ ឆត្រ ជាពាក្យខ្មែរសុទ្ធ ឮបែបនេះមុខតែសរសេរ ឆាត់ មិនមែនសរសេរជា ឆ័ត្រ ឬ ឆត្រ ឡើយ។ មានឧទាហរណ៍ ចក្រ អានថា ចាក់/ច័ក ក្សត្រ អានថា ក្សាត់/ក្ស័ត ...
Sophy Mey:
បាទ៎ ! ..... សមហេតុសមផលដែរ : ពាក្យ ចក្រ និង ក្សត្រ ជាពាក្យ សំ. ខ្ញុំមិនពិភ័លទេ ! ...... ចំណែកពាក្យខ្មែរ ព្រ័ត្រ និង ព្រត្រ .... ឆ័ត្រ និង ឆត្រ ក៏ខ្ញុំមិនប្រកែកដែរ ! ..... ប៉ុន្តែចម្លែកណាស់ ចំពោះអ្នកណា ដែលមិនទាន់មានទម្លាប់សរសេរតាមនេះ ..... (ដោយក្តីរីករាយ) ....
Puthpong Sao:
លោក Mey Sophy Mey ពិតមែនហើយ ដូច្នេះហើយបានជាពេលមានបញ្ញត្តិនេះ ក៏មានការផ្ទុញផ្ឋ្ទាល់ថា ចុះពាក្យ ប្រពន្ធ និង ប្រព័ន្ធ វាមិនទៅជាច្រឡំគ្នាទៅហើយទេឬ? គេបកស្រាយថាអ្វីៗ។មានការលើកលែង។ តាមពិតបញ្ញត្តិនេះមិនថ្មីទេ។ កាលមុនឆ្នាំ១៩៧៥ មានការអនុញ្ញាតឲ្យសរសេរ ដូចជា ឧបស័គ្គ ឧបសគ្គ ស័ក្ដិសម សក្ដិសម មិត្តភ័ក្ដិ មិត្តភក្ដិ . ..
Sophy Mey:
អរគុណលោក Puthpong Sao ! ..... ខ្ញុំជម្រាបហើយថា : ពាក្យខ្មែរដែលក្លាយមកពី បាលីនិងសំស្ក្រិត មិនបាច់ប្រើ ័ ក៏បានដែរ .... ពីព្រោះ យើងអាន " ក ខ គ ឃ ង " ថា : " កៈ ខៈ គៈ ឃៈ ងៈ " (លើកលែងពាក្យខ្លះ ដូចជា ជ័យ និង ជយ .... ចល័ត និង ចលត បើមិនដាក់ ័ អ្នកអាន អានមិនត្រូវទេ !)
Puthpong Sao:
តាមក្បួនពាក្យខ្មែរ បើជាពាក្យខ្មែរសុទ្ធ តែកាលណាឮអានសំឡេងខ្លីសង្កត់ គេត្រូវសរសេរនឹង ់ (មានបន្តក់) ជា ពិភាល់ ប៉ុន្តែពាក្យនេះខ្ចីពីភាសាបាលី ដូច្នេះសរសេរជា ពិភ័ល ក៏មិនខុសដែរ អាស្រ័យឫសដើមនៃពាក្យ។ គេអនុញ្ញាតឲ្យសរសេរទាំងពីរបែប។
Steven Pak:
Puthpong Sao & Sophy Mey, លោកទាំងពីរពិតជាអស្ចារ្យមែន។ មានអំណះអំណាងដើមី្បការពារខ្លួនបានប្រសើរណាស់។ សូមសរសើរៗ
Vann Chaom Mony Pol:
អត្ថបទនេះមានន័យថា «រឿងរវាងមនុស្សនិងមនុស្ស
ព្រះទុកឲ្យមនុស្សជួយខ្លួនឯង»។ សង្ស័យតែមិនពិតជាដូច្នេះរហូតទេ
ដូចដែលបទនេះ លោកស៊ិន ស៊ីសាមុត ធ្លាប់ច្រៀងថា
«គូខ្ញុំបើព្រាត់គឺព្រាត់ដោយកម្ម មិនមែនចិត្តនាំអោយខ្ញុំឃ្លៀងឃ្លាត..»។
ប៉ុន្តែទោះយ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ អ្នកខ្លះគេថាភាគច្រើនចម្រៀងគ្រាន់តែ
ជាការស្រមើស្រមៃប៉ុណ្ណោះ គ្មានវិទ្យាសាស្ត្រ។
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gKeMF49ox50
Puthpong Sao:
កម្មគឺជាទង្វើ។ ក្នុងទស្សនវិជ្ជាអត្ថិភាពនិយម មនុស្សជាអ្នកសម្រេចវាសនាខ្លួនដោយខ្លួនឯង ដូចការប្រៀនប្រដៅរបស់ព្រះពុទ្ធ។ ចម្រៀង កំណាព្យ ប្រលោមលោក ... ជាផ្នែកនៃអក្សរសិល្ប៍ ដែលមាននិន្នាការទស្សនៈ តាមម្ចាស់ស្នាដៃនីមួយៗ។
Vann Chaom Mony Pol:
បង Puthpong Sao, ខ្ញុំមិនពូកែខាងទស្សនវិជ្ជាទេ
ប៉ុន្តែខ្ញុំជឿថា ជំនឿលើអត្ថិភាពនិយមនេះ ស្រដៀងនឹងអ្នកប្រាជ្ញ
លោកខាងលិចថា Existentialism ដែលគេតិះទៀតទស្សវិជ្ជា
សម័យបុរាណថា «អរូប៉ី» ខ្លាំងពេក យកទៅអនុវត្តមិនបាន។
ប៉ុន្តែខ្ញុំយល់ថា អ្វីៗទាំងឡាយ វាផ្សំដោយ «ធាតុ ហើយនិងចិត្ត»។
អត្ថិភាពនូវធាតុតែមួយមុខ ក៏ធ្វើអោយទៅជាស្រវឹងជន់ជោរ
ប្រើវិធីចិត្តតែមួយមុខ ក៏មិនចេះតែសំរេចនូវវាសនា បានដូច
បំណងដែលប៉ងលើសលុប។
Wikipedea "Many existentialists have also regarded traditional systematic or academic philosophies, in both style and content, as too abstract and remote from concrete human experience"
Puthpong Sao:
លោក Pol Vann Chaom Mony, ត្រឹមត្រូវហើយ ទស្សនវិជ្ជាអត្ថិភាពនិយម ជាភាសាអង់គ្លេស existentialism នេះហើយ។ គតិវិទូអាឡឺម៉ង់ Kierkegard ត្រូវគេចាត់ទុកថាជាបិតានៃទស្សនវិជ្ជានេះ។ លទ្ធិនេះផ្ដោតជំនឿលើភាពជាក់នៃគំនិតភ្ជាប់នឹងទង្វើនៃស្មារតីទទួលខុសត្រូវ។ អរគុណ។
គួរតែប្រើប្រាស់ពាក្យ "ប្រាសាទអង្គរត្រូវបាន[គេ] '#ទុកចោលមិនថែទាំ'." ជាជាងពាក្យថា "បោះបង់ចោល'
គួរតែប្រើប្រាស់ពាក្យ "...ប្រាសាទអង្គរត្រូវបាន[គេ] '#ទុកចោលមិនថែទាំ'..." ជាជាងប្រើប្រាស់ពាក្យថា "...ប្រាសាទអង្គរត្រូវបាន[គេ] '#បោះបង់ចោល'..."
Website ក្នុងស្រុកមួយ បានបកប្រែព័ត៌មានពីអត្ថបទបរទេសមួយនិយាយអំពី ការប្រើប្រាស់បច្ចេកវិជ្ជានៃអង្គការអវកាស ណាសា NASA អាមេរិក រកឃើញផ្ទាំងគំនូរបុរាណអាថ៌កំបាំងជាង២០០ផ្ទាំងលើប្រាង្គអង្គរ ...
សម្រង់នៃវគ្គមួយមានសេចក្ដីថា "...ជាលទ្ធផល ក្រុមអ្នកវិទ្យាសាស្ត្រ ក៏ដូចជា អ្នកបុរាណវិទូ ជាច្រើនបានយល់ថា រូបគំនូរបង្កប់នេះ ត្រូវបានបន្សល់ទុកដោយក្រុមមនុស្សដែលបានហែក្បួនមកកាន់ទីតាំងដ៏ស័ក្តិសិទ្ធិមួយនេះ បន្ទាប់ពី ប្រាសាទដ៏អស្ចារ្យនេះ ត្រូវបាន 'បោះបង់ចោល' កាលពីអតីតកាល" ។
ឃ្លា "ទុកចោលមិនថែទាំ" មានអត្ថន័យត្រឹមត្រូវ (ទាំងខ្លឹមសារពាក្យ ទាំងកំណត់ត្រានិងបរិបទប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ ទាំងទឹកចិត្តផ្នត់គំនិតរបស់ជនជាតិម្ចាស់ទ្រព្យ ពោលគឺ ជនជាតិខ្មែរ) ជាងឃ្លា "បោះបង់ចោល"។
'ទុកចោលមិនថែទាំ' ក៏អាចប្រើជា 'ទុកនៅមិនថែទាំ' ដែរ ... left/deserted uncared [for]។ អ្វីមួយដែលគេ "បោះបង់ចោល" មានន័យថា ម្ចាស់ទ្រព្យលែងចាត់ទុកជា[កម្មសិទ្ធិ៍]របស់ខ្លួនទៅហើយ។ ពុំមានខ្មែរណាម្នាក់គិតថា ខ្មែរពុំមែនជាម្ចាស់់លើ អង្គរវត្ត នោះទេ សូម្បីតែសម្ដេចព្រះសង្ឃរាជ ជួន ណាត ដែលនិពន្ធបទនគររាជ ... ត្រង់វគ្គ "ប្រាសាទសិលា កំបាំងកណ្ដាលព្រៃ ... " ក៏លោកបង្កប់គំនិតថា ខ្មែរនៅតែជាម្ចាស់អង្គរ មិនបោះបង់អង្គរ ឡើយ។
តាមកំណត់ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ ស្ដេចខ្មែរនៅសម័យក្រោយអង្គរទាំងសម័យ លង្វែក ឱដុង្គ ... នៅតែយាងទៅប្រារព្ធព្រះរាជពិធីនៅអង្គរដដែលដែរ។ អ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវបរទេសបន្តមកដល់ថ្មីៗនេះ ក៏បានបង្ហាញថា ស្ដេចខ្មែរនៅក្រោយសម័យអង្គរ នៅតែចេញចូលអង្គរ ហើយពុំមែនជនជាតិបារាំង អង់រី មូអូត៍ Henri Mouhot ជាអ្នករកឃើញអង្គរមុនគេនោះទេ ប៉ុន្តែជាអ្នកបានផ្សព្វផ្សាយអំពីភាពអស្ចារ្យនៃមហាស្ថាបត្យកម្មនៃ អង្គរវត្ត នៅបស្ចិមប្រទេស ដូច្នេះធ្វើឲ្យពិភពលោករឹតតែស្គាល់ អង្គរ ច្រើនឡើង។
ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ បើប្រើពាក្យពុំត្រឹមត្រូវទេ វានឹងបង្កើតការយល់ខុស ការភ័ន្តច្រឡំ និងនាំឲ្យមានផលវិបាកមិនអាចអាចប្រមាណបាន។ ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រមិនបានប្រើពាក្យថា "រត់ចោល" ទេ ប៉ុន្តែ"អ្នកសរសេរប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ"បានប្រើពាក្យថា "បោះបង់ចោល"។
កាលសម័យ សាធារណរដ្ឋខ្មែរ មានការជជែកដេញដោលគ្នាក្នុងរង្វង់អ្នករៀបរៀងសៀវភៅប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រអំពីការប្រើប្រាស់ពាក្យពុំត្រូវនឹងបរិបទនឹងហេតុការណ៍ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ។ ដូចជាការប្រើពាក្យថា សៀមបានចូលមកកៀរគ្រួសារខ្មែរប្រមាណ៩០,០០០គ្រួយកទៅស្រុកសៀម។ ត្រង់នេះ គេបានឲ្យកែតម្រូវ ពីព្រោះ សៀមបានកៀរគ្រួសារខ្មែរមែន ប៉ុន្តែ ពុំមែនយកទៅស្រុកសៀមទេ គឺយកទៅនៅលើដីខ្មែរជាប់ស្រុកសៀមដើម្បី ងាយត្រួតត្រា ផ្ដាច់កម្លាំងកំណែនយៅធាខ្មែរ សេដ្ឋកិច្ចខ្មែរ ...
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